DN Singh
In the early hours of Tuesday last, a force of 25 platoons launched an operation to chase out protesting tribals and restore an amiable atmosphere for the construction of a common corridor for industrial houses in Kalinganagar in Jajpur district of Orissa. It was, in essence, an attempt at clearing the agitating motley crowd of tribals from the nearby villages. However, the troops went beyond facilitating the corridor work and chased the tribals out of the area and out of their homes, leaving behind traces of a lethal offensive in many houses. A massive force deployment in the wee hours accompanied by firing created a smokescreen of panic.
Two wheelers were smashed or burnt, paddy stacks set on fire, houses (read huts) ransacked, television sets crushed to pieces, a few cattle injured and one was even found dead riddled with a bullet shot. The hamlet wore a look reminiscent of Nandigram and a reminder of January 2, 2006 when 13 tribals had fallen to police bullets in Kalinganagar.
It was an exercise that our security forces have never been able to undertake, neither at other disputed sites like Posco or Vedanta, nor in Naxal-infested pockets where many welfare measures lie abandoned due to Red-ultra menace for years. The governments down the years had no answer to what stopped the defence project in Baliapal or the proposed Tata steel project at Gopalpur, where the Tatas still have in their possession about 4,000 acres of land and for what?
The message, perhaps, from Bhubaneswar was very clear, though not loud. Either the tribals should offer hands for a shake or let them see the fist! Never to come back was the combat call and the group of tribals raising the banner of protest must be defeated, come what may. A similar psyche had played the stimulant role in the 2006 bloody clash.
Why this impatience on part of the government to bulldoze a movement in Kalinganagar while it shows its back to Red-rebels in Malkangiri, where the police could be seen moving with ‘Press’ stickers in their official vehicles.
There could have been a political solution to the problem of Kalinganagar in 2006 and the deadlock over the corridor building, now, was very close to a solution through dialogue. Nobody knows what went wrong and the administration opted for a band-aid solution of such hostile nature.
"There has been no effort for a serious political initiative to placate the people in Kalinganagar," confided a senior leader from the ruling party, and said, "See, normally the decisions are taken by the CM in consultation with the bureaucrats and even if we want, we choose not to speak."
‘Do not speak if it does not improve upon silence’ – Naveen`s minions seem to have reconciled with the above sermon of Lord Buddha.
"Majority of decisions such as Kalinganagar are being taken under pressure from the companies` lobby and this government has over the years developed a mindset to work in tandem with investors than through political vision," said Juel Oram, state BJP president.
The demand of the tribals was `land for land`, which is peripherally related to their livelihood, though it may not sound good for decisions taken on mundane considerations linked to lofty issues of state. But, both are important.
This government is for rapid industrialisation and the chief minister also tends to demonstrate a fortitude to endure the aspirations of this neglected section of the society, which always encounters a hard-driven existence for generations. Moreover, the history of displacement in the country is not a pleasant one to inherit. Once displaced by any project, there is hardly anything worthy of nostalgia for the displaced. Be it Hirakud dam in Sambalpur or Rengali project or the proposed steel plant in Gopalpur or Indravati in Kalahandi, peoples` aspirations turn to relics and remain under the hammer of development.
The people, who reign in the corridors of power, know very well that problems bigger than Kalinganagar had been solved and projects had come up immaterial of the fallouts. Inside the territory of Chandka Elephant Reserve, it has a remained a nagging problem for the authorities to rehabilitate at an alternative location. Inside the National Park limits of Bhitarkanika, the Forest Department has not been able to vacate some 27 villages for last 20 years to fortify the wildlife sphere, and worst is the scene in Simlipal Biosphere Reserve, which of late has become a virtual empire of Maoists who use the unlawful villages inside as their shield. But, these are issues linked to the welfare of poor animals, not of investors. So the guns fall silent here.
What happened the other day may have been officially viewed as the victory of good over the evil, but that should not be a regular inclination to vanquish the voices of opposition dubbing them only as bad guys.
