US Searching For Strategic Ally To Fulfil Its Interest In Asia-Pacific, Keep China In Check

By Leichombam Kullajit

US Secretary of Commerce Gina Raimondo’s visit to India from March 7 to 10 is the latest in a series of visits by US officials over the last few years, most notably its top diplomat, the Secretary of State, Anthony Blinken, who visited India to participate in the G20 Foreign Ministers’ meeting in New Delhi on March 1. This was the second time Blinken visited the country in three years.

Although, the stated announcement for their visits mostly emphasized "continued cooperation on COVID-19 response efforts, trade and investment opportunities, Indo-Pacific engagement, shared regional security interests, shared democratic values, and addressing the climate crisis", their visits are actually a part of the long-term strategy of the US Administration to counter and check the rise of China.

Since the US is no longer in a position to go solo in the fight against the Asian giant over Taiwan, or any other future conflicts, making alliances and stocking tension among the countries in South Asia and the Asia Pacific Region has been a master gameplan of the United States of America over the last decade, especially during the Obama administration’s 2012 "Pivot to East Asia" policy. Moreover, the latest AUKUS deal between Australia, the US, and the UK in San Diego, California, the ongoing conflict between Ukraine and Russia, touted as the biggest war after World War II on European soil, and the tension over the Taiwan Strait and large-scale Chinese military exercises around Taiwan pushed the bottom of the urgency for the US rushing towards another emerging Asian power, India, with the cry "Chinese are coming" propaganda.

The visit by the Secretary of Commerce, Gina Raimondo, ended without much fanfare, yet the signing of an MoU on establishing a semiconductor supply chain and innovation partnership under the framework of the India-US Commercial Dialogue gave a new inning to the already warm relationship between the two countries.

The semiconductor industry relies on a complex global supply chain for raw materials such as silicon wafers, chemicals, and gases, which its products are used for ranging from servers and PCs to automobile manufacturing. The US, China,  Taiwan, South Korea, and Japan are currently the major players in chip manufacturing.

The US is increasingly worried about China’s growing geopolitical and geoeconomic power, which rests in part on its manufacturing capabilities. For the Indian side, the Modi government in December 2021, approved a $10 billion incentive plan to attract investment for semiconductor manufacturing and display production and to become a key player in the global semiconductor supply chain.

While some experts see it as an opportunity for both nations to reduce global dependency on China, it’s also a wake-up call and time for a country of 1.3 billion population to stand firm on its own independent strategy, especially on the development of high-tech technology, vis-à-vis its foreign policy towards its neighbouring countries. If the rapprochement of the US is solely for the containment of China and provoking India toward its northern neighbour with their self-destructive China policies it will definitely one day endanger the already fragile peace environment in South East Asia and the Asia Pacific. India should oppose all forms of American hegemony and power politics and reject interference in other countries’ internal affairs.

It’s an already established fact that the United States has developed a hegemonic playbook to stage "counter-revolution", instigate regional disputes, and even directly launch wars under the guise of promoting democracy, freedom, and human rights. Clinging to the Cold War mentality, the US has ramped up block politics and stoked conflict and confrontation.

While it’s true that the upsurge in Hindu nationalism ushered in by Narendra Modi’s government is reshaping Indian society, secularism, the economy, and diplomacy. Moreover, India and the United States also currently enjoy close relations and have often seen eye-to-eye on issues such as counterterrorism, the mutual distrust of Pakistan, and of course, China’s growing military and economic power in the recent past.

What’s more, both the leaderships of India and the United States sometimes claimed to be ‘natural partners’ in their relationship and policies towards international and regional issues. But this should not be at the cost of India’s own regional influence and national interest.

The signing of an MoU to diversify the supply chain of semiconductors and make India a regional hub is a good thing for India and its economy. This is at a time when India’s economy is expected to grow over 6.8 per cent this year, which is in stark contrast to the 3.2 per cent forecast for the world as a whole, according to data from the International Monetary Fund. Apple’s contract manufacturer, Pegatron, has already begun assembling iPhone 14 models in the Sriperumbudur facility near Chennai.

Despite all the development and seemingly closer security and political ties between the two countries, it could also serve as a reminder that the importance the US has attached to India may have more to do with geopolitics than India’s economic strength.

The US was India’s largest export destination and the second-largest trading partner in 2020-21. While US exports to India were slightly lower than what it imported from the country, India still was among the US’s top 15 export markets last year.

Despite the fact that Narendra Modi had a good personal rapport with all the US presidents, especially since the Donald Trump administration, it didn’t translate into any major gains for India. The Trump government, on the contrary, put in many trade-restrictive measures. It unilaterally imposed penal import duties on steel, and aluminium from India and some other nations under the garb of protecting national security interests. Trump also withdrew GSP (Generalised System of  Preferences) benefits (exports at zero duties) from Indian exporters and kept putting pressure on India to import more from the US. The former US President also tried to get into a free trade agreement with India but was ultimately rejected. At present, President Biden seems to be more tolerant and open towards India, but he has not yet taken any steps to undo the harsh measures implemented by Trump. The recent spat between India’s Adani Group Chairman Gautam Adani and the US-based Hindenburg Research, which ultimately led to Asia’s richest man’s net worth dropping below the 25 richest billionaires in the world, is a clear indication of how vulnerable the Indian economy is to the US’ sophisticated propaganda machine.  

Under such circumstances, in order to maintain its growth momentum, and develop its own hi-tech technologies it is essential for India to improve its domestic environment for foreign investment by improving labour skill levels and upgrading its logistics and transportation systems. Lastly, India should never allow itself to be seen as Washington’s geopolitical pawn for the sake of its own imperialist policies and actions.

(The writer is Imphal-based journalist. Views are personal)