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Pakistan: The problems within
Prionka Jha
Report: Prionka Jha
The forthcoming visit of the President Pervez Musharraf is widely seen as a `step forward` in the dialogue between India and Pakistan, though the core agenda of the two remain completely different. faced with many internal problems today and the many feel it requires more than a simple dose of cosmetic therapy to correct them. President Musharraf knows it all and one must say it would be a miracle of sorts if he actually tides over these in the near future-- as he publicly claimed for the first time in his address to the Pak media recently—without facing the risks involved.
What plagues it? A good many chinks open up viz, ideological hypocrisy, ethnic strife, sectarian strife, corruption, constitutionality, political propriety, economic downswing, non-existence of a civil society, regional strife, crisis in diplomacy and to top it all, the confidence of the Pakistani people in the democratic functioning of the very system itself. The question is-- Why it must set its own house in order first and then compete with others for world status and recognition? Why it must revive a civil society first based on certain norms viz, freedom, liberty, democracy, equality, constitutionality etc and then set out to become ‘a power to reckon with’? What emerges out of it in the end is the fact that there are many issues and problems—largely ignored—that need to be immediately addressed to. Till then, clichés like “Peace on the borders” and “constructive dialogue” would remain a distant dream. Yesterday it was Benazir, then Nawaz Sharif, then Musharraf and then..... tomorrow somebody else. The big talks, the Summits, give the momentum, but it is the internal disorder that erases the sketch work. The economic crisis seems to be the worst ever. As widely reported, the Pakistan economy is ailing for a long time. The developmental work remained on the back burner in the past and military expenditure gulped a massive share of the revenue pool. Till recently, as much as 75% of it goes into military expenditure and a huge share of the rest into debt-servicing and interest payments. Experts believe that this economic crisis is not only a crisis of growth but also a crisis of production, distribution and finance. The result is a complete dislocation of plans and priorities. The foreign dependence has become so severe that the foreign minister, Abdul Sattar made a concerted attempt during his recent US visit to woo World Bank and IMF by showcasing a Rs 2 billion cut in their military expenditure. Besides, Pakistan needs to meet a $21 billion debt payment obligation by 2004 and it has only about $700 million in its reserves today. These facts and figures cannot and should not be overlooked by the concerned.
Another grey area is the issue of religious fundamentalism. If one delves into the past, the process of Islamization of the State under General Zia-ul-Haq (1977-88) and the Afghan war were turning points in the strengthening of Islamic orthodoxy in Pakistan. His attempt to create an Islamic society and polity was an attempt to get legitimacy for his regime. Madrasas mushroomed, combining weapons training with a fundamentalist and violent interpretation of Islam. Unfortunately, the victory of Taliban in Afghanistan led to a substantial number of these students to seep into various other sectors of Pakistani society. Thus, the malaise has struck deep roots, with jehadi groups openly operating with impunity against un-Islamic from Pakistani soil. The international community has openly denounced the tacit support of the authorities to such outfits, but to no avail. Ethnic strife-- primarily concentrated in the regions of Sindh, Hyderabad, Latifabad etc. -- remains an Achilles heel. The roots of it lie in the concentration of Mohajirs within a region with other population groups, especially Sindhis. Sindhi assertiveness led to violent clashes that go on till date for various reasons. As a consequence, the notion of civil society has become more theoretical than practical especially in the light of rising crime graph, extra-judicial killings, kidnappings, drug-abuse, deteriorating law and order and eroding administrative mechanism to address these issues effectively. In one of her recently published articles, Jessica Stern, a Pakistan expert, says ".....by facilitating the actions of irregulars in Kashmir, the Pakistani government is inadvertently promoting sectarianism, supporting international terrorists, weakening the prospects of peace in Kashmir, damaging Pakistan`s international image, spreading a narrow and violent version of Islam throughout the region, and increasing tensions with India-all against the interests of Pakistan as a whole."
Constitutional crisis has become an endemic feature too. It emanates from a context of depletion of democratic traditions in Pakistan in 53 years of its history at the hands of military, the bureaucracy, the ruling elite including judiciary etc. The crisis is reflected in the manner the whole state machinery has been treated by the unscrupulous bureaucrats, judges, advocates and civil servants etc. There have been many instances of wrong judgements, contentious decisions, and ambitious programmes resorted to just for monetary gains. The way Musharraf has assumed Presidency-- though already expected by many-- adds further to the mockery of democratic institutions in Pakistan. Most of the political parties in Pakistan have opposed this move in one voice, believing it to be a "national tragedy" but who is there to pay heed. Dominance of military in internal affairs is another problem. Reckless adventurism of the "Mullahs in uniform" has become a norm in Pakistan today and if media reports are to be believed, with the growing `Talibanization` of its structure, it is bound to become Goliath-like with no David in sight. Besides, pressurized by extremist groups such as Jamat-i-Islami and the growing Islamization of its military, the authorities in Pakistan are increasingly susceptible to pan-Islamic sentiments. Pushed by the extremist `Jehadis` elements, the ruling establishment appears to be endorsing the view that peace in Kashmir, without a radical stamp, will undermine the `Jehad` launched across Pakistan, Afghanistan and Chechnya and beyond, though President Musharraf has been keeping a safe distance from such sentiments in recent months. The list goes on. President Musharraf must also remember that post-1971 history of Pakistan shows that its rulers get either killed or jailed or simply banished. In this context, he must set his home agenda first before setting upon a foreign agenda or adventure in times to come. He can overlook these issues at his own peril, to say the least.
The forthcoming visit of the President Pervez Musharraf is widely seen as a `step forward` in the dialogue between India and Pakistan, though the core agenda of the two remain completely different. faced with many internal problems today and the many feel it requires more than a simple dose of cosmetic therapy to correct them. President Musharraf knows it all and one must say it would be a miracle of sorts if he actually tides over these in the near future-- as he publicly claimed for the first time in his address to the Pak media recently—without facing the risks involved.
What plagues it? A good many chinks open up viz, ideological hypocrisy, ethnic strife, sectarian strife, corruption, constitutionality, political propriety, economic downswing, non-existence of a civil society, regional strife, crisis in diplomacy and to top it all, the confidence of the Pakistani people in the democratic functioning of the very system itself. The question is-- Why it must set its own house in order first and then compete with others for world status and recognition? Why it must revive a civil society first based on certain norms viz, freedom, liberty, democracy, equality, constitutionality etc and then set out to become ‘a power to reckon with’? What emerges out of it in the end is the fact that there are many issues and problems—largely ignored—that need to be immediately addressed to. Till then, clichés like “Peace on the borders” and “constructive dialogue” would remain a distant dream. Yesterday it was Benazir, then Nawaz Sharif, then Musharraf and then..... tomorrow somebody else. The big talks, the Summits, give the momentum, but it is the internal disorder that erases the sketch work. The economic crisis seems to be the worst ever. As widely reported, the Pakistan economy is ailing for a long time. The developmental work remained on the back burner in the past and military expenditure gulped a massive share of the revenue pool. Till recently, as much as 75% of it goes into military expenditure and a huge share of the rest into debt-servicing and interest payments. Experts believe that this economic crisis is not only a crisis of growth but also a crisis of production, distribution and finance. The result is a complete dislocation of plans and priorities. The foreign dependence has become so severe that the foreign minister, Abdul Sattar made a concerted attempt during his recent US visit to woo World Bank and IMF by showcasing a Rs 2 billion cut in their military expenditure. Besides, Pakistan needs to meet a $21 billion debt payment obligation by 2004 and it has only about $700 million in its reserves today. These facts and figures cannot and should not be overlooked by the concerned.
Another grey area is the issue of religious fundamentalism. If one delves into the past, the process of Islamization of the State under General Zia-ul-Haq (1977-88) and the Afghan war were turning points in the strengthening of Islamic orthodoxy in Pakistan. His attempt to create an Islamic society and polity was an attempt to get legitimacy for his regime. Madrasas mushroomed, combining weapons training with a fundamentalist and violent interpretation of Islam. Unfortunately, the victory of Taliban in Afghanistan led to a substantial number of these students to seep into various other sectors of Pakistani society. Thus, the malaise has struck deep roots, with jehadi groups openly operating with impunity against un-Islamic from Pakistani soil. The international community has openly denounced the tacit support of the authorities to such outfits, but to no avail. Ethnic strife-- primarily concentrated in the regions of Sindh, Hyderabad, Latifabad etc. -- remains an Achilles heel. The roots of it lie in the concentration of Mohajirs within a region with other population groups, especially Sindhis. Sindhi assertiveness led to violent clashes that go on till date for various reasons. As a consequence, the notion of civil society has become more theoretical than practical especially in the light of rising crime graph, extra-judicial killings, kidnappings, drug-abuse, deteriorating law and order and eroding administrative mechanism to address these issues effectively. In one of her recently published articles, Jessica Stern, a Pakistan expert, says ".....by facilitating the actions of irregulars in Kashmir, the Pakistani government is inadvertently promoting sectarianism, supporting international terrorists, weakening the prospects of peace in Kashmir, damaging Pakistan`s international image, spreading a narrow and violent version of Islam throughout the region, and increasing tensions with India-all against the interests of Pakistan as a whole."
Constitutional crisis has become an endemic feature too. It emanates from a context of depletion of democratic traditions in Pakistan in 53 years of its history at the hands of military, the bureaucracy, the ruling elite including judiciary etc. The crisis is reflected in the manner the whole state machinery has been treated by the unscrupulous bureaucrats, judges, advocates and civil servants etc. There have been many instances of wrong judgements, contentious decisions, and ambitious programmes resorted to just for monetary gains. The way Musharraf has assumed Presidency-- though already expected by many-- adds further to the mockery of democratic institutions in Pakistan. Most of the political parties in Pakistan have opposed this move in one voice, believing it to be a "national tragedy" but who is there to pay heed. Dominance of military in internal affairs is another problem. Reckless adventurism of the "Mullahs in uniform" has become a norm in Pakistan today and if media reports are to be believed, with the growing `Talibanization` of its structure, it is bound to become Goliath-like with no David in sight. Besides, pressurized by extremist groups such as Jamat-i-Islami and the growing Islamization of its military, the authorities in Pakistan are increasingly susceptible to pan-Islamic sentiments. Pushed by the extremist `Jehadis` elements, the ruling establishment appears to be endorsing the view that peace in Kashmir, without a radical stamp, will undermine the `Jehad` launched across Pakistan, Afghanistan and Chechnya and beyond, though President Musharraf has been keeping a safe distance from such sentiments in recent months. The list goes on. President Musharraf must also remember that post-1971 history of Pakistan shows that its rulers get either killed or jailed or simply banished. In this context, he must set his home agenda first before setting upon a foreign agenda or adventure in times to come. He can overlook these issues at his own peril, to say the least.